Clause-final negative markers in southeastern Bamana dialects: a contact-induced evolution
Abstract
A compact group of southeastern Bamana dialects, viz. southern dialects of the Baninko area and dialects of the neighboring Gwandugu, Shendugu and Ganadugu areas, use an innovative clause-final negative marker, in addition to a negative marker earlier in the clause (immediately following the subject), which they share with the other Bamana dialects. Although both the form and the negative polarity semantics of this clause-final marker can be offered a language-internal diachronic account, I argue that its innovative pattern of use and ongoing grammaticalization in these dialects are best analyzed as an instance of contact-induced evolution modeled on the neighboring Senufo languages. The initial transfer of the pattern occurred when Senufo speakers shifted to Bamana.