To what extent the French prosodic encoding of contrast is addressee-oriented?
Résumé
According to [1] speakers use intonation to specify a relationship between the content of a phrase and the mutual knowledge/belief of participants in the current discourse about this content. For instance, in American English, the L+H* pitch accent is used by speakers to mark a correction or a contrast. In this case, by using this pitch accent, the speaker signals that the accented item and not some alternative related item should be mutually believed, all the alternatives being shared by both the speaker and the addressee. This framework thus assumes that the speaker's prosodic encoding of contrast depends i) on the referential context itself and ii) on what the speaker and the addressee know about this context. Following this idea, lots of research has focused on the description of the prosodic forms involved in contrast encoding in different languages. However, most studies have not investigated to what extent the prosody of contrast reflects the way speakers take their addressees into account. Do prosodic choices of speakers mainly reflect the referential context from the speaker's point of view independently of his/her addressee's presence and knowledge or does the speaker prosodically encode contrast on the basis of shared knowledge to serve the addressee's needs?
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