Framing Power: Tracing Key Discourses in Open Science Policies

Given that “Open Science” is becoming a popular policy object around the world, this study sought to identify key narratives about Open Science in policy, and critically examine the extent to which they are sustaining or strengthening multi-layered domination and inequality schemes that pre-exist in scientific knowledge production. To do so, we conducted a content analysis of Open Science policies stemming from Europe, North America, Latin America, Asia and Africa to understand which narratives about Open Science policies are produced, reproduced and by whom; and in turn, whose interests may be neglected in this process. We found that Open Science policies, mostly stemming from Europe, frame “openness” as a vehicle to promote technological change as part of an inevitable and necessary cultural shift to modernity in scientific production. The global reach of these narratives, and the technologies, standards and models these narratives sustain, are dictating modes of working and collaborating among those who can access them, and creating new categories of exclusion that invalidate knowledge that cannot meet this criteria, putting historically marginalized researchers and publics at further disadvantage.

education institutions and commercial publishers to commercialize knowledge and in the words of Stuart Lawson, sustain "the very systems it was meant to challenge" (Lawson, 2017, Neylon, 2017, Mayer, 2015).This paper will first conceptualize policy as instruments of "epistemic governance"-the notion that knowledge-related paradigms, values and norms are embedded in policies, which are in turn used to exert power and influence over relevant stakeholders.It will then explain the methodology used to identify the key norms and values present in the framing of Open Science in policies.This will be followed by an overview of the key narratives identified in the data, to then offer a discussion on what these frames tell us about how power is being negotiated and resources being mobilized in and through the concept of Open Science.It will close by reflecting on the need to situate Open Science narratives in the context of global inequality in scientific knowledge production and a call to remain critical of the patterns of domination and dependency that are reproduced through technological trends in scientific production.

Policy as Tools of Epistemic Governance
The ideas that prevail in policy-making processes have the power to influence how resources are channeled, what programs are implemented, and the meanings we attribute to issues of public interest (Alasuutari & Qadir, 2010).In this way, public policies are instruments of what has been dubbed "epistemic governance": the notion that knowledge-related paradigms underlie social systems, and therefore, sustain governance models.Epistemic governance posits that global governance is in large part built on processes of knowledge production and transfer negotiated by stakeholders who belong to and represent a set of interests, relationships and institutional demands (Alasuutari &Qadir, 2010, Buduru andPal 2010).Under this notion, policies are not neutral, but speak to and evoke these actors' deep-seated values, beliefs and paradigmatic assumptions (Alasuutari & Qadir, 2010;Alasuutari, 2010).Social movement scholars have also investigated the process of articulation and negotiation of ideas by looking at "frame mobilization": how actors communicate their ideals and how they persuade their allies to achieve a set of goals and influence collective action.(Kapczynski, 2008, Benford & Snow, 2002, Alasuutari & Qadir, 2010).Alliance building and collective mobilization in these negotiations go hand-in-hand with building consensus on "what is considered virtuous and acceptable", and "what needs to be done on the basis of the current state of affairs" (Kapczynski, 2008, Alasuutari & Qadir, 2010).Identifying the values in the narratives is therefore key to understand why Open Science is considered the "virtuous or acceptable" route for knowledge production for these actors-what is there to gain and by whom.
Revealing the underlying assumptions in the frames mobilized in governance models and instruments is key given the highly unequal nature of global relations.Processes of knowledge transfer and consensus building amongst international actors are not neutral -but rather embody the negotiation of unequal power relations that exist in global and local governance.The institutional norms, alliances and values that prevail, set new standards for governance and benchmarks for decision-making ( Van Hulst & Yanow, 2014, Benford and Snow, 2002, Mayer, 2015, Buduru & Pal, 2010).Knowledge paradigms and benchmarks that triumph in policy are often posited as universally beneficial based on a rhetoric of "objectively" and "rigorously" defined governance indicators, leaving less powerful actors in a position in which they are "expected to calibrate their policy reforms" accordingly (Budaru & Pal, 2010).Given the ideas above, this research conceives of policies as instruments that articulate paradigms that can sustain or relocate power and legitimacy.By investigating how ideas are negotiated in policy making, how they are articulated and whose interests they champion, we seek to illuminate underlying processes of epistemic negotiation in which certain set of ideas and values dominate global conversations.

Methodology 6
Following this logic, and in the context of this research, the data collection process consisted of critically investigating policies as epistemic instruments of discursive dominance.To unpack the key ideas and knowledge paradigms they represent, we sought to identify "narrative frames" or "master frames" in Open Science in policies.This process was carried out in four stages.The first stage 1 involved searching for policy documents, declarations or statements from governments, and other institutions written in English, Spanish and French, with "Open Science" in the title, or with substantial Open Science references within thept of Open Science in the document, namely: definitions, characteristics, benefits of practicing content. 2 The second stage involved identifying characteristic features that framed the concept Open Science, incentives to practice Open Science and main beneficiaries of Open Science.The third stage involved disaggregating the data in relation to these categories, and analyzing them transversally using content analysis methods to identify patterns, similarities and contrasts in the narratives used across regions and institutions. 3

Results: Dominant Frames in Open Science Policies
Who is Shaping the Open Science Agenda 7 In total, we reviewed 49 policies, documents, declarations and statements referencing open science. 4Open science policies and projects have been produced by stakeholders globally, including by multilateral organisations like Unesco, the G7, and the OECD; as well as by international scientific societies, associations, and industry publishing bodies like the International Council for Science, the International Scientific Association, and the International Association of STM Publishing.The term "Open Science" appears to have the most significant uptake in Europe, with nearly half of the documents sourced produced by European stakeholders.This includes the European Commission who adopted it as an umbrella term for EU-wide research and innovation programmes as well as the government ministries of science, education, and culture in the Netherlands, Finland and Estonia have also produced their own policies, some in direct alignment and endorsement of EU policies; while many academic societies, library associations, university associations, and publishers have done similarly.In North America, open science was referenced in reports and policies by the governments of United States and Canada, in the National Institute of Health, and the Innovation Science, and Economic Development, respectively.In Asia, we found white papers and expert panel reports produced by the Japanese Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, and Technology. 5In Latin America, government ministries of science, technology, and innovation in Colombia, Mexico, and Chile released their own national policies; while Latin-American repository network "La Referencia" (consisting of Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Ecuador, México, Perú, Venezuela, and El Salvador) also produced a document on open science infrastructures.In Africa, while there were no state policies produced, there have been a number of forums and conferences co-hosted by a variety of stakeholders, including the South-African government academic ministry, the "Academy of Science of South Africa", with the participation of other university institutions like the Association of African Universities and the University of Ghana.

8
Several instances of international and European stakeholders can be seen, contributing via funding and partnership to open science policies and projects in Latin America and Africa.The European Union for example, has taken an interest in infrastructure, completely funding the Sci-GaIA e-infrastructure project in South Africa (who played an instrumental role in the Dakar Declaration of Open Science in Africa); and partially funding the Latin American La Referencia.Research4Life, a public-private partnership between international organizations (WHO, WIPO, among others) and publishers, can also be seen contributing to open science forums in Kenya.While African partners are involved, a significant numbers of presentations and speakers speaking at open science forums and conferences in Botswana appear to be from international organisations like FAO and the Committee on Data of the International Council for Science.While this could be indicative of foreign aid and international support, it suggests policy transfer is likely going from international and northern stakeholders towards historically more marginalised/peripheral regions.

Placeholder for Open Access and Open Data 9
We found that Open Science in policies is being defined interchangeably with or in relation to Open Access and Open Data practices.The Association of European Research Libraries ("LIBER") sees Open Access as the first step to enabling Open Science; Finland approaches Open Access and Open Data as complementary to Open Science, while Chile sees the value of Open Science as a concept but promotes Open Data practices throughout its narrative.Some placed a stronger emphasis on Open Access, such as the African Open Science Platform, Mexico, Japan, and the European Open Science Cloud, which promoted "Open Access by default", and "open-by-default" policies; while others emphasised bolstering the tools, systems and skills to practice Open Data.The European Commissionproduced Mallorca Declaration for Open Science, grants awards and funding to data and software experts; the European Open Science Cloud rewards open data practices by researchers; and the International Association of Scientific, Technical and Medical Publishers (STM) are actively creating new citation principles for data to ensure researchers who share open data get credit for their work.The FAIR data principles, which advocate for data being "findable, accessible, interoperable, and reusable" were embraced by a variety of stakeholders including the EU and STM.These examples are indicative of how even though there is a growing trend in the creation of Open Science policies, the ideas that they are promoting are not new to what has been previously posed by Open Access and Open Data policies and programs.On top of possibly reproducing the limitations of these movements as identified by critical OA scholars, this overall trend indicates that using the term Open Science is possibly more so about popularizing the term, rather than pragmatically adapting the system to open practices outside of what is comprised in OA and OD.

Quality Control through Open Science Standards
10 We found Open Science policies call for standards that guarantee higher quality science, through narratives that promote "improving quality, integrity, citability, reward systems", "quality assurance, enhancement and management", through the development of metrics and indicators for quality control and impact (See policy data sheet).The OECD policy calls for creating clear legal frameworks for the reuse of datasets at the national and international level, while the G7 communiqué calls for international standards for quality that ensures "speed and coherence" in Open Science practice.Meanwhile, STM frames itself and publishers as the "gatekeepers" that protects quality assurance standing between research and the public.There are also references to more "responsible research" and the improvement of "research integrity" via the encouragement of "best practices" in data collection, data management, research ethics, and more.While these standards may enable new forms of collaboration between the institutions and scientists who can meet them, they also risk creating new categories to exclude and invalidate knowledge that cannot meet this criteria; particularly when the actors developing the metrics involve publishers and states who have historically dominated scientific production.An example of this is the ongoing work of OpenAIRE in promoting its guidelines in national repositories around the world through training workshops to "test the quality of their repositories" and improve it through "guidelines compliance" (Bullemore, 2017).Two cases stand out in regards to their conceptualization of quality: in the Forum Report on Open Data and Open Science in Agriculture held in Kenya, quality is framed in relation to the usefulness and impact of research in its local context, while in the case of Japan's Open Science Policy, quality is framed in relation to how they ensure "fairness" of scientific and technological progress, placing a stronger emphasis on valuebased indicators.
Open Science Research Infrastructures and its Architectural Design 11 Many Open Science policies emphasize the development of research infrastructures and data repositories, particularly for the purposes of advancing open data goals.Japan framed infrastructures as "foundational platforms for sharing results and data" meant to "boost data access and reuse", while the EOSC's ability to offer "secure and seamless access… for storing, managing, and processing data from different sources" was highlighted.In Botswana, a forum report notes the country experiences "similar challenges as other African countries in terms of Open Science", including "utilising and adapting current ICT infrastructure, and building capacity to manage research data."Technical principles and conditions were also referenced to guide the architectural design and function of these research infrastructures, with calls for standards regarding data management, protocols, identifiers, metadata, and more.As part of the OpenAIRE project, the EU advocated for "increased interoperability for more global collaborations, by promoting technological alignment between regions and facilitating the exchange of good practices".An example of this is the Latin American Open Access repository aggregation service, La Referencia, which adopted OpenAIRE Guidelines to "improve global interoperability".OpenAIRE envisions Open Science architecture as "globally networked and distributed", which involves the development of tools such as the OpenAIRE Validator, a tool that "allows repositories to test their compatibility with the OpenAIRE guidelines".(Bullemore, 2017) Developing infrastructures also entails developing suitable governance mechanisms: the EOSC was to ensure participating parties develop a "minimal set of rigorously applied and enforced protocols" termed the "Rules of Engagement" to specify conditions which stakeholders could participate.The OECD also aspired for "consultative approaches that involve all relevant actors", while the EOSC noted its intention to be built on "community-based, lightweight, sustainable governance" based on the values of "representativity, proportionality, accountability, inclusiveness, and transparency".However, at the discursive level, it is not clear the extent to which contributions were equitable among stakeholders.

Global Competitive and Collaborative Advantage via Open Science Investment
12 Many countries framed the utility of open science as one of maintaining global competitive advantage, especially given anxieties of "falling behind" in science and technology, and the ability to contribute to the global knowledge base.The "international competitive edge", of Finland's open science and research policies was highlighted, with Europe overall framed as taking a "global leading role", with Open Science enabling them to "remain at the forefront".Simultaneously however, they expressed concern over losing this competitive advantage to countries like Japan, US, and China, given lack of High Performance Computing Infrastructure capabilities (Connected Digital Single Market Policy) which may risk outflow of innovation (EOSC) and dependency on external country facilities.Japan expressed similar sentiments, seeking to "retain its authority as a communicator on the international stage", while expressing anxieties of Japanese researchers becoming less visible and less able to participate in global research, thereby resulting in less international competitiveness given decreased awareness of their science and technology.The African Open Science Platform echoed these concerns, framing participation as benefiting local visibility and contribution to the global knowledge base.That being said, the rhetoric implied Africa was behind, referring to Open Science as a way to "remain relevant in terms of science", noting it needed to "align its scientific activities with... the rest of the world."While competition played a prominent role, aspirations for global collaboration continued with the EOSC policies calling for a "sustainable 'research data commons' ", to reinforce "Open to the World" policies; and talks of a "globally networked... OS infrastructure which would enable a truly 'global and interoperable scholarly commons' ".Meanwhile, EU aims to "improve linkages with neighbouring international cooperation partners outside EU... to facilitate the international dimension" of the Horizon 2020 program, while the G7 similarly advocated for infrastructures enabling data use for all users at a global scale.

Growing role of private sector in Open Science
13 A significant number of policies expressed the need for increased funding and investment in research, with the Mallorca Declaration noting this was essential to bring back funding success rates, so research can attract and maintain funding for their work.Meanwhile, the African Open Science platform suggested Open Science practises could "inform and attract potential funders" and "increase the return on investment" for their research.Most of the policies reviewed indicate that the main source of funding for Open Science initiatives has been thus far, primarily public.Mexico, Japan, and Finland for example outline various guidelines and conditionalities, such as open access publishing as stipulations for publicly funded research.However, public-private financing is increasing in the EU, suggesting that private stakeholders will be key players in the execution and framing of Open Science moving forward, perhaps even necessary as resource constraints may limit the potential of OS initiatives.The EU argued that "the involvement of industry (including SMEs) in the development of research infrastructures" could make them more aware of the opportunities offered by them, and "foster innovative potential" to improve these products.Publishers like STM and Elsevier have already highlighted their alignment, promoting their support to make data FAIR (STM), expressing their commitment to data sharing and more effective data use (Elsevier).The growing role of the private sector is also meant to bolster the development of technologies, which will help drive scientific progress and even societal revolution.STM for example notes the "use of technology to make science more collaborative", while Elsevier emphasises various tools to increase efficiency of search and diffusion.The G7 communiqué also suggests that the convergence of different technologies can be characterised as the "next production revolution", and will "transform production and society as a whole", suggesting a possible reliance on product and service developers.

Core Beneficiaries of Open Science
participation constitutes a challenge for shaping open agendas of research".The EU Work Programme similarly admitted "the formal integration of skills... by non academic actors and provided in non academic surroundings... will be a specific challenge"; while Japan agreed that "the increasing complexity and specialization of science and technology has made it difficult to attract understanding and support from society as a whole".This increasing complexity and specialisation in science and technology is not only an access challenge for citizens, but even for academia, where a "clash of cultures" was noted between data science and academic communities, emphasising the need for core data experts to translate opportunities.(ESOC High Level Expert Group) While participation is a laudable goal, the resources and skills required to engage with these spaces raise the question of how meaningful citizen participation can really be.
Open Science as a Driver of Innovation and Socioeconomic Growth 16 Open Science was also commonly framed as a facilitator and driver of socio-economic growth, particularly to build comparative advantages amidst global competition.This was explicitly stated by the EU who noted Open Science could be "embedded in society as a socio-economic driver", "instrumental in making science more responsive to societal and economic expectations").G7 and Colombia also both explicitly referred to economic development and socioeconomic growth (respectively) as goals of, and outcomes from their Open Science vision.This is also evidenced by the market-based language of optimising, improving the efficiency (Japan, Elsevier, EOSC, Chile), reducing costs, and ensuring a "return on investment" (African OS Platform) for research, data (Chile), storage (EOSC), search, and diffusion (Elsevier) The "innovation based economy" was also noted as one of the express goals of the Mallorca Declaration, with EOSC noting that the "transition to open science [was to be seen] in the context of the Digital Single Market" strategy.The potential for Open Science to facilitate and drive innovation was also a common theme, particularly through "knowledge exploitation" (Japan) data-driven innovation (LIBER), and the "innovative potential of small-medium-enterprises" (Work Programme).Higher education institutions, such as Aalto University also appear to align, noting its commitment to open science and research goals to ensure research results "can be used as business assets to achieve benefits for society as a whole." Open Science as a response to global development challenges emerging economies of the BRIC (Brazil, Russia, India, and China) countries.We find that policies also envision Open Science as a means to address "global challenges and barriers" for knowledge economies and research institutions; issues pertaining to society at large, such as the SDGs, are fairly broad-brushed.
Breaking dependency on "publish or perish" model 18 Finally, Open Science is also being framed as a paradigm meant to cut the cycles of dependency to the current subscription-based journal system.The European Universities' Associations Statement on Open Science to EU institutions and National Governments recognises the need to change the current publishing system, calling for a more "transparent, cost-effective, and innovative system" that better serves the interests of the research community and research institutions.Key outcomes from the Forum Report on Open Science in Agriculture in Kenya also point to reforms in the current knowledge production system; they claim that the current rewards systems privileges job promotion and visibility of research within high-impact journals, and is not conducive to the Open Science paradigm.They point to alternative forms of incentives, such as rewarding data sharing, as opposed to just rewarding conferences and journals.Despite these calls for reform, the OpenAIRE regional policy cites that tension may nevertheless exist within the competitive "publish or perish" paradigm, even if new collaborative models are in placesuggesting these paradigms will co-exist.In contrast, the EOSC Declaration, takes an economic perspective regarding the value of Open Science, which lies in its potential to reduce rent-seeking behaviour and prepare the market for innovative research services and business models.

Discussion: Situating Open Science Policies in Power Imbalances
19 These key policy narratives do not emerge in a vacuum.Under the premise that openness needs to be "situated" within the histories, social contexts and power structures that shape and constrain them (Hillyer, 2017), one of the main objectives of this research was to contextualize the narratives that are emerging in policies from different parts of the world.One of these contexts is the historical global inequality in scientific knowledge production and exchange systems.A growing body of literature has shown that the current academic knowledge system is unjust and uneven, as it centers and prioritizes knowledge produced by Anglo-speaking male researchers in North America and Europe and shared through international academic journals (Graham et al., 2015;Larivière, 2013;Chan, 2011, Okune, 2016;Czerniewicz, 2015;Canagarajah, 2002).This system has been built on a set of material and symbolic barriers to participation and representation, that range from a widespread lack of internet connectivity and weak digital infrastructures in developing countries, to high subscription costs that impede access to and publication in peer-reviewed journals.This system affects researchers from historically marginalized geographies and identities the most, who in the words of Leslie Chan, remain "nearinvisible and under-valued" (2011), as well as contribute to epistemicide, harming the general public's ability to acquire a more holistic understanding of the world and the issues affecting underrepresented populations (Moletsane, 2014, Hillyer, 2017;Sillitoe, 2007, Hall andTandon, 2017).Open Science policies have been framed as a change to the aforementioned system, however our analysis of the data suggests that these power imbalances are rather being sustained by epistemic governance mechanisms, in three main ways: Political pressure and the risk of non-alignment 20 Evidence of epistemic governance can be seen explicitly when member-states and other potential partner-nations of supranational governments, such as the European Union, multinational organizations like the OECD, or initiatives such as OpenAIRE are called upon to align with a specific set of Open Science visions and goals.This alignment is not only a product of jurisdictional commitments, but is often voluntary, as non-state actors such as publishers and university institutions, drive with these visions in order to obtain access to funding and resources.In the case of these actors, the risks of non-alignment are much larger than the loss of autonomy in the process of framing Open Science in a more contextualized manner.These risks include: loss of access to potential funding, global partnerships and membership, and an overall positive reputation in the international community.Investment in Open Science is perceived as a means to prevent innovation outflow and economic decline, and obtain the necessary competencies to remain internationally competitive.Even relatively well-resourced actors such as Japan and member states of the European Union express anxieties about being "left behind" in the growing "knowledge economies."This is especially challenging for regions with resource constraints, already facing pressure to meet foreign scientific standards to stay relevant in the international science ecosystem, while foregoing potential benefits and investment into more locally relevant research to appeal to international interests (Czerniewicz, 2015).

Power imbalances embedded in infrastructure
21 Open Science infrastructure is the second site of epistemic governance.These research infrastructures ubiquitously referenced as "foundational" to the implementation and execution of Open Science policies embed norms, values and dominant scientific practises within its increasingly complex and aspirationally global architecture.Currently, the funders and contributors of these research infrastructures promoted by these policies appear to be concentrated in wealthier regions of the world, raising concerns for how they will amplify the visibility of knowledge produced in these regions, and how this will affect the visibility of under-represented scholarship of the rest of the world (Graham et al., 2015).Their power is intrinsic in the ability to design the architecture of these systems, and ultimately regulate and control how information is produced, accessed, and shared.Once these architectures scale, they become increasingly complex and nearly impossible to change, with the foundational rules setting a path dependency for all other architecture built on top (Lessig, 2006;Sterne, 2012).While the policies reflects intentions of instituting collaboratively defined standards and distributed forms of technical control; it is important to critically consider who is at the table.Other media industries have found standard setting processes often impeded not by technical complexity, but unwillingness of major corporate players to cooperate, thereby-stifling-innovation and interoperability (Brooke, 2014).Major players in this ecosystem include former publisheroligopolies like Elsevier, rebranded as full-fledged "data analytics" companies via infrastructural acquisitions across the entire research production value chain.(Posada and Chen, 2017).Some have questioned the participation of those with fiduciary responsibility in policy-making processes whose interests are questionable given fiduciary responsibility and accountability to shareholders versus their interest to guarantee public access to knowledge.
Open Science as the road to modernity The third site of epistemic governance is epistemologies.The emphasis on building knowledge infrastructures in Open Science also risks recentering and codifying European values in the architecture that shapes global science.We have inherited a system that already favors knowledge that is codifiable, useful and "instrumental" over knowledge(s) that cannot be easily codified and transmitted like community-based knowledge, knowledge of lived experience, or spiritual knowledge (Moletsane, 2014;Mignolo, 2012, Hall andTandon, 2017).Decisions over what infrastructures need to be in place in order to produce Open Science, will shape what knowledges are considered legible, legitimate, worthy of visibility and eligible for quality control (Czerniewicz, 2015, Graham et al., 2015;De Sousa Santos, 2007;Windle, 2017).This immediately cedes power to institutions prepared to produce knowledge in these formats, researchers that investigate and communicate science in dominant languages such as English and Spanish, and even to citizens that align with notions of "expertise" in their citizen science practicecontributing further to epistemicide and reaffirming the knowledge paradigms used to justify social, political and economic "leadership" (Harding, 2002;Moore, 2017;Lawson, 2017, Nkoudou, 2017).This emphasis on infrastructure also suggests Open Science discourse is adopting techno-utopian ideals, reminiscent of the modernisation paradigms that posit a singular universal road to development, forcing developing countries to adapt to modernity via the transfer of knowledge, technology, and services by higher-income countries (Albornoz, 2017;Grosfoguel, 2000), and amplifying their dependency on concepts, paradigms and infrastructures produced in sites of power.

Conclusion and Future Research Questions
Building on the idea that narratives need to be contextualized and situated within particular histories, power structures and socio-political contexts, we sought to interrogate the assumption that open science is neutral, and investigate how the concepts used to define it at the policy level are shaped by those with institutional power and greater access to resources.For that reason, our analysis seeked to tap onto the ideological foundations at the core of shared narratives of openness across policies, and the impact this may have on reinforcing global inequality in the scientific and development fields.
As seen in the discussion, Open Science frames the rhetoric of openness as a vehicle to promote the need for technological change as part of an inevitable and necessary cultural shift in scientific production.While we are cognizant that infrastructures, protocols and tools are instrumental to producing and sharing science, we are pointing out the ways in which their development is mainly informed by global governance dictums and economic competition agendas, rather than by the demands and unique characteristics of the wide diversity of scientific knowledge producers and users that will eventually rely on them.
The global reach of these narratives, and the technologies, standards and models these narratives sustain, will dictate modes of working and collaborating among those actors who can access and meet them, they also create new categories to exclude and invalidate knowledge that cannot meet this criteria, putting historically marginalized researchers and publics at further disadvantage.For this reason, above all, this study seeks to promote critical thinking about technological change about who it benefits and who may be left behind by the emergence of new trends.We hope these insights contribute to scholarship and activism that promotes more inclusive, community-grounded definitions of Open Science framed around the need for equitable knowledge ecosystems in service of a science that attends to social needs.
25 This research also meant to offer a preliminary overview of topics to unpack further in future research.Our findings first point at the need to follow more closely the funding mechanisms and the involved stakeholders behind the policy making process.Second, it lays the foundations for a more in depth investigation on Open Science infrastructure: the configuration of the architecture, rules of engagement, and the stakeholder experience with these platforms.And third, even though we hinted as a possible disconnect between technical solutions to Open Science and the skills and resources needed to use them, we consider a follow up research on the implementation of these practices necessary to allow us to better gauge the extent to which these narratives were built on the basis of political pressure, public demand or both.As Open Science advocates, we are interested in seeing these initiatives succeed, yet we need to stay vigilant and constantly question their ability to bring about real social and cultural change in knowledge production.NOTES 1.Our search for policies took place from October 2017-March 2018.While we attempted to be holistic in our search, we can't necessarily guarantee that this was an exhaustive and comprehensive list.

2.
We initially intended to focus on Open Science policies only, but found that Open Science is a concept that has been incorporated into Open Access, Open Data, Open Innovation and Open Government policies and programs.Restricting our analysis to policies that explicitly used the term "Open Science" was a methodological decision that limited our research in terms of understanding of programs and policies that practice open science, but have not adopted the same language.
3. The data was collected in this document.The data collection and analysis process was led entirely by volunteers who devoted their resources to this project.The experience of working with volunteers, brought to light some of the limitations of open citizen science, such as limited time commitment, expertise and resources, as well as the benefits of peer-to-peer learning and the enriching experience of collaborative knowledge production.

4.
A list of stakeholders and their associated policies can be found in the Index.

5.
This could be influenced by the language limitations; our team searched for documents only in English, Spanish, and French

ABSTRACTS
Given that "Open Science" is becoming a popular policy object around the world, this study sought to identify key narratives about Open Science in policy, and critically examine the extent to which they are sustaining or strengthening multi-layered domination and inequality schemes that pre-exist in scientific knowledge production.To do so, we conducted a content analysis of Open Science policies stemming from Europe, North America, Latin America, Asia and Africa to understand which narratives about Open Science policies are produced, reproduced and by whom; and in turn, whose interests may be neglected in this process.We found that Open Science policies, mostly stemming from Europe, frame "openness" as a vehicle to promote technological change as part of an inevitable and necessary cultural shift to modernity in scientific production.
The global reach of these narratives, and the technologies, standards and models these narratives sustain, are dictating modes of working and collaborating among those who can access them, and creating new categories of exclusion that invalidate knowledge that cannot meet this criteria, putting historically marginalized researchers and publics at further disadvantage.

G7 International
The Group of Seven (G7) is an informal bloc of industrialised democracies.Its current members make up nearly 50 percent of the world economy, and represent more than 60 percent of net global wealth.

OECD International
The

Framing
Power: Tracing Key Discourses in Open Science Policies ELPUB 2018

Framing
Power: Tracing Key Discourses in Open Science Policies ELPUB 2018

Framing
Power: Tracing Key Discourses in Open Science Policies ELPUB 2018 17 A few policies framed Open Science as instrumental to addressing global challenges and barriers, emphasizing the value of producing locally relevant knowledge, particularly for developing countries.Colombia claims that one of the benefits of Open Science is "the rapid and joint response to the global challenges of our time… [which] enables the participation of scientists and those interested both in local and global environments in the search for solutions to problems like those identified in the Sustainable Development Goals".The Kenyan Forum Report on Open Science in Agriculture proposes revising the set of metrics used to measure quality and create suitable metrics to track and monitor the visibility of how Open Science facilitates knowledge production, as well as rewards for researchers who use scientific knowledge to solve local problems.The OECD also cites the importance of "international collaboration" within Open Science in the interest of addressing global issues.This multilateral coordination and co-operation was also cited as having a critical role in Research & Development programmes, particularly in the BIBLIOGRAPHY Sterne, Jonathan.(2012).MP3: The Meaning of a Format.Sign, Storage, Transmission.Durham: Duke University Press.Windle, Joe.(2017)."Hidden Features in Global Knowledge Production: (re)positioning Theory and Practice in Academic Writing."Revista Brasileira de Linguística Aplicada 17, no.2: 355-78.
OpenAIRE is an EC-funded initiative which aims to support the Open Access policy of the European Commission via a technical infrastructure.50partnersmakeup this collaborative effort working towards a common goal to bring a change in realising open science for the benefit of society, innovation and industry.OpenAIRE currently operates an interoperable and validated network of more than 520 repositories and OA journals, integrating more than 9 million OA publications and 1,000 datasets, with 50,000 organizations and 30,000 projects from two funders.It has identified over 100,000 FP7 publications from about half the 26,000 FP7 projects, and offers literature-data integration services.ERA PortalAustria Europe / Austria ERA Portal Austria is a knowledge-sharing platform providing information on EU-related research policy and its implementation in Austria and in Europe.In this context it supports decision-making by providing strategic intelligence.In addition, ERA Portal Austria serves as a promotion platform for Austrian initiatives in Europe.NWO is the national research council of the Netherlands.NWO is an independent administrative body under the auspices of the Dutch Ministry of Education, Culture and Science.NWO funds thousands of top researchers at universities and institutes and steers the course of Dutch science by means of subsidies and research programmes.ALLEA) is the European Federation of Academies of Sciences and Humanities.It was founded in 1994 and brings together almost 60 Academies of Sciences and Learned Societies from over 40 countries in the Council of Europe region.Since April 2012 the President of ALLEA is Günter Stock.ALLEA is financed by annual dues from its member academies and remains fully independent from political, religious, commercial or ideological interests. .The Ministry of Education, Culture and Science (OCW) is the Dutch Ministry responsible for Education, Culture, Science, Research, Gender equality and Communications.