, The Rise and Fall of an Island Empire, pp.213-255, 2005.
, The structure of the trade in Madagascar 1750-1810, The international journal of African historical studies, vol.26, p.132, 1993.
, Et le réel serait passé. Le secret de l'esclavage et l'imagination de la société, p.28, 2009.
, Histoire ancienne du nord-est de Madagascar, Taloha, vol.5, pp.155-58, 1972.
, Madagascar and Mozambique in the nineteenth century: The era of Sakalava raids (18001820), Omaly sy anio, pp.37-40, 1977.
, On the connections between the Sakalava and the Betsimisaraka in the context of the slave trade, see Stephen Ellis, Journal of African History, vol.48, pp.439-55, 2007.
, Radama I's 1817 discourse proclaiming the abolition of the slave trade can be found in James Sibree, Madagascar and its People, vol.1870, pp.558-567
, , p.125
, The East African slave trade, The international journal of African historical studies, vol.22, p.25, 1989.
, Madagascar because their existence shows that most slave descendants have managed to 'reancestralize' themselves, meaning that they have built tombs that now contain several
, , p.223
, For an historical example among the southern Betsileo see Regnier, p.119
, Expropriated from the hereafter: The fate of the landless in the southern highlands of Madagascar, Journal of Peasant Studies, vol.33, issue.3, pp.413-457
, Expropriated from the hereafter, p.430
, Why not marry them, pp.211-218
, Pourquoi ne pas les épouser, pp.107-117
, On the importance of tombs and burials in Madagascar, see in particular Bloch
, Collective and single burial in Madagascar, Gathered in Death: Archaeological and Ethnological Perspectives on Collective Burial and Social Organisation, pp.41-62, 2018.
URL : https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-01882328
, La fondation d'une nouvelle terre ancestrale dans le Sud Betsileo (Madagascar): Dilemme, transformation,rupture," in (Re)Fonder. Modalités du commencement dans le temps et l'espace, On the necessity to move ancestors to a new tomb when founding an 'ancestral land, pp.121-128, 2017.
,
, Clean people, unclean people
, Malagasy: Mpitolona ho amin'ny Fanjakana'ny Madinika, French: Militants pour le Pouvoir Prolétarien
, 364. For Jennifer Jackson, their name is even more explicit: they are the Zatovo western andevo I' Madagascar ('The western slaves of Madagascar'). She argues that ZOAM is actually zoam's politicized reincarnation. See Jennifer Jackson, Political Oratory and Cartooning: An Ethnography of Democratic Process in Madagascar, This slang term is often presented as an acronym. Jean-Roland Randriamaro reports two definitions: ZWAM, for Zatovo Western Amerikana Malagasy, vol.140, pp.23-40, 2013.
, See for instance Janine Ramamonjisoa « Blancs et noirs. Les dimensions de l'inégalité sociale. Documents socio-linguistiques ». Cahiers des sciences sociales, vol.1, p.41, 1986.
, 52. discuss, both publicly and privately. The reserve regarding slavery is often justified by two opposite arguments: slavery is either no longer relevant or too serious an issue to be evoked at all. Claims of equality (achieved or yet to come) hide the persistence of the stigma
URL : https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/jpa-00235604
, , p.53
, Culture politique, esclavage et décentralisation: La demande politique des descendants d'esclaves au Benin et au Niger, Politique Africaine, vol.11, pp.169-86, 2008.
, Bare-foot activists: Transformations in the Haratine movement in Mauritania, Movers and Shakers: Social Movements in Africa, p.156, 2009.
, Nous voulons notre part! Les ambivalences du mouvement d'émancipation des Saalfaalbe Hormankoobe de Djeol (Mauritanie), Cahiers d'Études Africaines, pp.987-1014, 2005.
, From the Great Island to the African continent through the western world, itineraries of a "return to the origins" through hip-hop music in Madagascar, Marronnage and Arts: Revolts in Bodies and Voices, pp.161-77, 2000.